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Форум "Наука"

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    1906
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  1. ‘Little fissures’: The U.S.-Ukraine war unity is slowly cracking apart “The administration doesn’t have a clear policy objective and a clear goal. Is it to drag this thing out, which is precisely what Vladimir Putin wants?” said Rep. Michael McCaul (R-Texas), chair of the House Foreign Affairs Committee. “Is it to just give them enough to survive and not to win? I don’t see a policy for victory right now, and if we don’t have that, then what are we doing?” Publicly, there has been little separation between Biden and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, an alliance on full display last month when the American president made his covert, dramatic visit to Kyiv. But based on conversations with 10 officials, lawmakers and experts, new points of tension are emerging: The sabotage of a natural gas pipeline on the floor of the Atlantic Ocean; the brutal, draining defense of a strategically unimportant Ukrainian city; and a plan to fight for a region where Russian forces have been entrenched for nearly a decade. Senior administration officials maintain that unity between Washington and Kyiv is tight. But the fractures that have appeared are making it harder to credibly claim there’s little daylight between the U.S. and Ukraine as sunbeams streak through the cracks. For nine months, Russia has laid siege to Bakhmut, though capturing the southeastern Ukrainian city would do little to alter the trajectory of the war. It has become the focal point of the fight in recent weeks, with troops and prisoners from the mercenary Wagner Group leading the combat against Ukrainian forces. Both sides have suffered heavy losses and reduced the city to smoldering ruins. Ukraine has dug in, refusing to abandon the ruined city even at tremendous cost. “Each day of the city’s defense allows us to gain time to prepare reserves and prepare for future offensive operations,” said Col. Gen. Oleksandr Syrskyi, the commander of Ukraine’s ground forces. “At the same time, in the battles for this fortress, the enemy loses the most prepared and combat-capable part of his army — Wagner’s assault troops.” Multiple administration officials have begun worrying that Ukraine is expending so much manpower and ammunition in Bakhmut that it could sap their ability to mount a major counteroffensive in the spring. “I certainly don’t want to discount the tremendous work that the Ukrainians’ soldiers and leaders have put into defending Bakhmut — but I think it’s more of a symbolic value than it is a strategic and operational value,” said Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin. Kyiv, for now, has ignored Washington’s input. Meanwhile, an assessment by U.S. intelligence suggested that a “pro-Ukraine group” was responsible for the destruction of the Nord Stream natural gas pipelines last fall, shedding light on a great mystery. The new intelligence, first reported by The New York Times, was short on details but appeared to knock down a theory that Moscow was responsible for sabotaging the pipelines that delivered Russian gas to Europe. Intelligence analysts do not believe Zelenskyy or his aides were involved in the sabotage, but the Biden administration has signaled to Kyiv — much like it did when a car bomb in Moscow killed the daughter of a prominent Russian nationalist last year — that certain acts of violence outside of Ukraine’s borders will not be tolerated. There has also been, at times, frustration about Washington’s delivery of weapons to Ukraine. The United States has, by far, sent the most weapons and equipment to the front, but Kyiv has always looked ahead for the next set of supplies. Though most in the administration have been understanding about Kyiv’s desperation to defend itself, there have been grumblings about the constant requests and, at times, Zelenskyy not showing appropriate gratitude, according to two White House officials not authorized to speak publicly about private conversations. “I do think the administration is split, the National Security Council split” on what weapons to send to Ukraine, said McCaul, who’s in constant touch with senior Biden officials. “I talk to a lot of top military brass and they are, in large part, supportive of giving them the ATACMS.” The administration hasn’t provided those long-range missiles because there are few to spare in America’s own arsenal. There’s also fear that Ukraine might strike faraway Russian targets, potentially escalating the war. The administration definitively declared the alliance between the United States — and its allies — and Kyiv remained strong, and that it would last as long as the war raged. National Security Council spokesperson Adrienne Watson said the White House is “in constant communication with Ukraine as we support their defense of their sovereignty and territorial integrity.” She added that with Putin showing no signs of ceasing his war, “the best thing we can do is to continue to help Ukraine succeed on the battlefield so they can be in the strongest possible position at the negotiating table for when that time comes.” But the growing disconnects may foreshadow a larger divide over the debate as to how the war will end. Though Biden has pledged steadfast support, and the coffers remain open for now, the U.S. has been clear with Kyiv that it cannot fund Ukraine indefinitely at this level. Though backing Ukraine has largely been a bipartisan effort, a small but growing number of Republicans have begun to voice skepticism about the use of American treasure to support Kyiv without an end in sight to a distant war. “I see the little fissures, but those have existed with points of disagreement and varied views between the U.S. and Ukraine even before the big February invasion, and since then,” said Shelby Magid, deputy director of the Atlantic Council’s Eurasia Center. “Zelenskyy has made pointed remarks before toward the U.S., and the White House has expressed disagreement with him — publicly and privately — on specific aspects, but that hasn’t shifted or eaten away at the overall U.S. support and partnership.” Points of crisis still hover on the horizon. Zelenskyy’s insistence that all of Ukraine — including Crimea, which has been under Russian control since 2014 — be returned to Ukraine before any peace negotiations begin would only extend the war, U.S. officials believe. Secretary of State Antony Blinken has signaled to Kyiv that Ukraine’s potential recapture of Crimea would be a red line for Putin, possibly leading to a dramatic escalation from Moscow. Moreover, the Pentagon has consistently expressed doubts whether Ukraine’s forces — despite being armed with sophisticated Western weapons — would be able to dislodge Russia from Crimea, where it has been entrenched for nearly a decade. For now, Biden continued to stick to his refrain that the United States will leave all decisions about war and peace to Zelenskky. But whispers have begun across Washington as to how tenable that will be as the war grinds on — and another presidential election looms. “There has never been a war in history without setbacks and challenges,” said Rep. Jason Crow (D-Colo.), an Army veteran and HFAC member. “The question is not whether Ukrainians have setbacks, but how they respond and overcome them. Ukraine will overcome, defeat Russia and remain free.”
  2. За съжаление китайските комунисти са поели по пътя да помагат на руснаците.
  3. Интересно китайското свръхзвуково оръжие, за което американците тръбят от 2020 насам, от коя година е технология? CSIS receives funding from U.S. government entities and international ally and partner governments. CSIS maintains transparent relationships with all government donors. Толкова от мен по въпроса с CSIS от мен. Изслушай Карл Айкън какво има да каже по въпроса. Quantity has its own qualities. Съревнованието между САЩ и Китай ще се реши от качеството и количеството на техните флотилии. Китайците вече имат по-многоброен флот от американския, въпрос на време е да достигнат и технологичното ниво на американците. А същевременно Америка продължава да дълбае нови дълбини в разрухата на собствената си корабостроителна индустрия, благодарение на "ефективната" организационна стратегия, която ползват повечето меринджей - да си поръчват корабите само от чужбина... Добре че са военните поръчки, иначе корабостроителниците щяха съвсем да изчезнат. И като следствие от загубата на цивилните поръчки е загубен огромната част от производствения капацитет, което се отразява на нужното време за строенето на всяка подводница, фрегата, корвета, самолетоносач и каквото друго имат нужда.
  4. Желанията и възможностите са две много различни неща. В доклада си за състоянието на американската военна индустрия през 2022 CSIS са посочили с конкретни примери каква е реалността. Та, САЩ отделят много повече от прашинка от военните си ресурси... Не сме 1941 и няма нито свободна работна сила, нито пък има маса от желаещи да работят в тежки условия на труд, отделно че няма и толкова много хора с нужните познания за някои специфични етапи на производствения процес. Имало ги е някога преди 30-40 години, днес САЩ са друга държава. И ако се тръгне към по-съществено нарастване на производството на военна продукция това ще изсмуче ограничения ресурс от специалисти от цивилните производства и ще създаде проблеми за цивилната икономика. Става въпрос за стотици хиляди и милиони хора, които физически ги няма. Руснаците в момента имат точно този проблем - няма достатъчно инженери, технолози, заварчици, шлосери, електротехници, оператори на машини, металурзи, конструктори/дизайнери и т.н. Тепърва започват да обучават затворници за някои от нужните професии. Но, така е то, когато икономиката е базирана само на услуги, а производството масово е изнесено в Азия. Русия, въпреки всичките ѝ проблеми, не трябва да се подценява, когато става въпрос за военната ѝ индустрия. Въпрос на време е отново да започне да произвежда нужните ѝ количества оръжие и боеприпаси. Дали ще стане за година, две, три е отделен въпрос. Китай пък е още по-напред във всяко едно отношение, спрямо руския ВПК. Даже в корабостроенето, китайците превъзхождат американците в пъти по производствен капацитет, въпрос на време е да ги настигнат и по качество. А флота е ключа за американското първенство в съвременния свят, защото САЩ осигуряват безопасността на морските търговски коридори, от там Америка контролира световната търговия и долара се използва като световна резервна валута. Загубят ли САЩ морското си превъзходство времето на Pax Americana е свършило. В този ред на мисли, вчера Иран и С.Арабия нормализираха отношенията си в Китай, а не някъде на север или запад.
  5. Веднъж почнат ли китайците да помагат, реакцията на Запада вече е ясна каква ще е. А че китайците ще помогнат, в това нямам съмнение. Си направи неща във вътрешен план, които са насочени към вътрешна консолидация и външна експанзия. Америка и Китай, така или иначе се бяха насочили към минимизиране на общата икономическа взаимозависимост, а сегашната война само ускорява този процес. Примерно, за последните 3 години Китай затвори маса експортно ориентирани заводи.
  6. Русия може да надделее тази година единствено с повече снаряди и артилерия. Засега сама не може да задоволи нуждите си, така че това са фантазии. Освен, ако Китай не се намеси. А дали Китай ще се намеси ще стане ясно след посещението на Си в Москва. Шолц нали каза, че Китай нямало да доставя оръжия и снаряди на руснаците. После на другия ден каза, че ако китайците започнат да доставят, то тогава германците ще увеличат военното си производство... Т.е. въпрос на време е кога. За мен ключови са срещата във формат НАТО+4 и посещението на Пелози в Тайван, тогава е станало ясно за Си и ко., че САЩ ще действат на два "фронта" - в Европа и Азия и че работят по консолидирането на ключовите участници в Pax Americana. Вече бяхме свидетели на оръжейните сделки между Корея и Полша, а тия дни Англия, Италия и Япония са тръгнали заедно да разработват нов самолет, например. Това което стори Си през есента - публичното унижение на Ху и смазването на неговото крило в китайската ДС и МВР, с помощта на армията, е затягане на вътрешните редици преди предстоящата борба със САЩ. В икономиката също тече процес на подчинение - първоначално в технологичния сектор (Алибаба и Тенсент), а сега и във финансовия. Така че "интересното" тепърва предстои...
  7. Общината да предложи "Альошата" на наследниците на първообраза му или на родната му община в Русия. Ако не го щат, да го пращат в музея на соц. изкуството. Даже може и пловдивски филиал да се отвори. А за "монумента" е време за билдозер, също както и за този на "летците"-убийци.
  8. Russia’s invasion has global repercussions, yet non-Western countries remain reluctant to take sides. Economic interests, perceived Western double standards, and Moscow’s narratives all play a role.
  9. In race to arm Ukraine, U.S. faces cracks in its manufacturing might The war has exposed an inability to rapidly surge production of many weapons needed for Ukraine and for America’s self-defense The Scranton Army Ammunition Plant, one of a network of facilities involved in producing the U.S. Army’s 155-mm artillery round, is ground zero for the Biden administration’s scramble to accelerate the supply of weapons that Ukraine needs if its military is to prevail in the war with Russia. The Pentagon’s plan for scaling up production of the shells over the next two years marks a breakthrough in the effort to quench Ukraine’s thirst for weapons. But the conflict has laid bare deep-seated problems that the United States must surmount to effectively manufacture the arms required not just to aid its allies but also for America’s self-defense should conflict erupt with Russia, China or another major power. Despite boasting the world’s largest military budget — more than $800 billion a year — and its most sophisticated defense industry, the United States has long struggled to efficiently develop and produce the weapons that have enabled U.S. forces to outpace their peers technologically. Those challenges take on new importance as conventional conflict returns to Europe and Washington contemplates the possibility of its own great-power fight. Even as public support for the vast sums of aid being given to Ukraine grows softer and more divisive, the conflict has sparked a broader conversation about the need to shatter what military leaders describe as the “brittleness” of the U.S. defense industry and devise new means to quickly scale up output of weapons at moments of crisis. Some observers are worried the Pentagon is not doing enough to replenish the billions of dollars in armaments that have left American stocks. Research conducted by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) shows the current output of American factories may be insufficient to prevent the depletion of stockpiles of key items the United States is providing Ukraine. Even at accelerated production rates, it is likely to take at least several years to recover the inventory of Javelin antitank missiles, Stinger surface-to-air missiles and other in-demand items. The problem is not limited to ammunition, nor to items being provided to Ukraine. According to Mark Cancian, a retired Marine officer and defense expert with CSIS, the pace of production at U.S. factories means it would take over 10 years to replace the U.S. fleet of UH-60 Black Hawk helicopters, and almost 20 years to replace the stock of advanced medium-range air-to-air missiles. It would be a minimum of 44 years before the Pentagon could replace its fleet of aircraft carriers. In Europe, the problems are equally grave. NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg warned in February that the wait time for large-caliber weapons has more than tripled, meaning items ordered now will not be delivered for over two years. In Germany, amid plans for a dramatic military expansion, its ammunition supply is believed to be sufficient for two days of fighting. In one war game, British stocks lasted eight days. OpinionBiden must follow Roosevelt’s ‘arsenal of democracy’ example By the Editorial Board Russia’s invasion of Ukraine did not catch the West’s intelligence agencies unaware. But no one in Washington or Europe anticipated the scale at which they would need to provide Kyiv with arms and munitions. That’s an increasing challenge for NATO and other countries rightly determined to prevent a Russian victory, and the dire consequences for the United States and its allies that would follow. It needs to be addressed swiftly. In a ground war that in some ways has come to resemble World War I — with thousands of artillery rounds fired daily against deeply dug-in armies — Ukrainian forces are now at risk of running low on key munitions. They are firing shells faster than supplier nations are producing them. There are other historic echoes. Just as President Franklin D. Roosevelt called on Americans to rally behind the country’s European allies as the “arsenal of democracy” in 1940, a year before Pearl Harbor, President Biden will be tested and judged by his own success in making a similar case for this country to step up by applying its military and industrial might.
  10. Александр Коваленко Всего за 3 дня марта 2023 РОВ потеряли больше оккупантов (5 640) чем за весь март 2022 (3 900).Вот вам и эффект от уменьшения профессиональной составляющей в войсках, дефицит средне и легкобронированной техники, отсутствие полноценной артиллерийской поддержки и многое другое.
  11. Подготвяли негово посещение в Киев. Нещо май е обърнал резбата и е взел да става евроатлантик или швабските му господари са решили да се покажат, че и те са загрижени за Украйна.
  12. Цялата история мирише на евтина кагебейска партенка, за да се създаде "опозиция", подобно на рейда срещу руското село.
  13. Александр Коваленко Специально для любителей западной жёлтой прессы. Главнокомандующий ВСУ Валерий Залужный и командующий оперативно-стратегической группировкой войск "Хортица" Александр Сырский всегда выступали за продолжение оборонной операции в Бахмуте, потому как прекрасно понимают её значение. Когда некое говно-издание пишет непроверенную информацию, ссылаясь на "источник", который "заслуживает доверия" - это одно, но когда наши полезные идиоты, на 9-й год информационной войны, эту информацию затягивают в наше пространстве и смакуют причмокивая... Ну, поздравляю, вы...
  14. A Lack of Machine Tools Is Holding Back Ammo Production, Army Says The U.S. has enough raw materials, but the heavy equipment used to make artillery shells aren’t easy to buy. A lack of machine tools is constraining the United State's ability to ramp up ammunition transfers to Ukraine, the Army's top weapons buyer said March 3. The timeline for acquiring new machine tools “are often the long poles in the tent on getting capacity increased,” said Douglas Bush, assistant Army secretary of the Army for Acquisition, Logistics, and Technology. “These machines are the size of buildings. You don’t just go buy it from a parking lot somewhere.” U.S. and allied production of artillery ammunition has emerged as a key problem in supplying Ukraine, which burns through thousands of shells a day fighting Russia’s invasion. Ukraine may lose the war if it doesn’t receive enough supplies, European Union foreign policy chief Josep Borrel said Feb. 20. Obtaining the raw materials might be a problem eventually, but not yet, Bush said at an event held by the Center for Strategic and International Studies. The U.S. already maintains large stockpiles of some key raw materials, such as the precursor chemicals for explosives, Bush said. But how much of other raw materials the U.S. should keep in reserve is an open question. “The issue is really stockpiling, Bush said, “It’s really a question of how much you can afford to do.” The U.S. has no shortage of raw materials used for artillery shell manufacture, Bush added, citing more than adequate supplies of steel. Bush also pointed to allied production capabilities as potentially taking the stress off of U.S. manufacturing, noting Polish interest in manufacturing the Javelin—an anti-tank guided missile—and Australian interest in manufacturing precision-guided munitions. The U.S. has already supplied large amounts of artillery ammunition to Ukraine, sending more than a million 155mm rounds, according to research by Mark Cancian, a senior advisor at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. The ammunition feeds artillery pieces donated to Ukraine by the U.S. and NATO allies. On Friday, the Department of Defense announced another tranche of military aid to Ukraine that includes 155mm artillery rounds. U.S. officials said in April 2022 that they were ramping up production of 155mm shells, the most common caliber of the U.S. and NATO-ally artillery guns sent to Ukraine. Production is set to rise to 20,000 shells per month by spring 2023, and 40,000 per month by 2025, Secretary of the Army Christine Wormuth said. Even that rate, though, may not be enough to support Ukraine and keep U.S. inventories prepped for other wars across the globe. “This could become a crisis,” Cancian wrote.
  15. Това си е кажи-речи една американска сухопътна бригада. Явно е, че техниката ѝ е в пустинен камуфлаж, но това не променя факта, че си е американска. Все още не е дошло времето за масово предоставяне на западна техника и като че ли американците странят от идеята. Иначе досега да са обучили и предоставили на украинците няколко механизирани бригади и войната да е към края си. Т.е. има и други фактори/съображения, които ние не знаем.

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